Archaeology of Pikes Peak State Park

 William Green
Office of the State Archaeologist
University of Iowa
Iowa City, Iowa

 

Introduction

People have lived in northeast Iowa for at least 13,000 years.  Pikes Peak State Park contains a wealth of archaeological resources relating mostly to one segment of this time span, the Late Woodland period, ca. A.D. 600-1100.  Sixty-five Woodland mounds have been documented in 11 separate groups within the main portion of the park.  Several probable habitation sites also have been found.  The large number of archaeological sites in the park indicates that Pikes Peak, like the adjacent Mississippi and Wisconsin River valleys, was heavily utilized in prehistoric times, particularly during the Woodland period.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 1.  Photograph of the Bear Mound near the concession stand at Pikes Peak State Park.  The insert is a sketch of the mound made by Ellison Orr in 1939

The Pikes Peak mound groups, situated on bluff tops and narrow upland ridges, contain four bear effigies, eight linears, and 53 conical mounds.  Most of the mounds at Pikes Peak and nearby locations probably were built by people of the Effigy Mound “culture” of the Late Woodland period.  Mound construction appears to have been a ritual and ceremonial practice.  The mounds covered and honored the dead and also symbolized the connections between humans, spirits, and the landscape.  The effigies may represent animate spirits, while the linear and conical mound shapes have uncertain meanings.

Late Woodland people located their campsites, villages, and other habitation and special-purpose sites throughout the landscape.  They made repeated use of rock shelters and nearby terraces and floodplain surfaces.  Mississippi River islands served as warm-season camp locations for exploitation of fish, shellfish, and other resources, while rock shelters served as cool-season habitations.

Pikes Peak and its surroundings have been subjected to periodic archaeological study over a period of 125 years or longer.  The most extensive surveys were those of self-taught local archaeologist Ellison Orr in 1912 and Luther College archaeologist R. Clark Mallam in 1973 and 1978.  Not every part of the park has been intensively inspected, so it is likely that additional sites will be found if more of the park is carefully surveyed.  Enough has been discovered to permit a useful review of ancient cultures and their uses of the local landscape.  The following discussions, from the report of the 1978 Luther College archaeological survey of the park (Mallam et al. 1979), review the history of archaeological work at Pikes Peak and the significance of the finds that have been made.  Additional information is available in Sellars and Ambrosino (1989).

The Mississippi bluffs in northeast Iowa contain one of the highest concentrations of mounds in North America.  Effigy Mounds National Monument, Pikes Peak State Park, and other public lands preserve and interpret this unique heritage.  Despite damage from looting and plowing that occurred before Pikes Peak was dedicated as a state park, the archaeological studies at the park have shown that many of the sites are still well preserved and worthy of continued protection.  Pikes Peak thus plays an important role in preserving ancient mounds and making them available for public view.

Note: Burial mounds in Iowa are protected by state law. Please report any damage to the DNR and the State Archaeologist.

 

 

Previous Archaeological Research

from Mallam et al., 1979:14-17

During the latter half of the nineteenth century northeastern Iowa was the scene of numerous archaeological and geological surveys.  These early surveys, especially in regards to archaeology, were undertaken by a variety of individuals, social organizations and institutions.  Although considerably disparate in terms of objectives, all shared a common denominator irrespective of either archaeological expertise or quality — that being the acquisition of data that would either refute or support the Mound Builder thesis. The central tenet of this thesis was that the mounds and earthworks of prehistoric America, especially those in the eastern Woodlands, were constructed by a vanished race, antecedent, unrelated and superior to the Native Americans.

It is important to note that none of these surveys focused directly on northeastern Iowa.  Instead, this portion of the state was only one of many areas visited by researchers during the course of their broad-based regional investigations.  Since the major objective of the surveys was to acquire generalized data relating to mounds and earthworks, no systematic studies were conducted.  Consequently, the antiquities of northeastern Iowa were only sampled in the most general sense rather than being subjected to thorough investigations.  The results of these surveys provided much data but no one area was intensely inspected; hence, considerable gaps exist in the archaeological record.

The first of these nineteenth century surveys, that included northeastern Iowa, was undertaken privately in the 1840's by William Pidgeon, an amateur archaeologist and ardent advocate of the Mound Builder thesis.  Pidgeon, seeking prehistoric data to confirm the existence of a vanished race of mound builders, carried out limited and intermittent surveys along the Iowa side of the Mississippi River (Mallam 1976b:159–60).  While he recorded several Allamakee County mound groups (Pidgeon 1858) and undoubtedly fabricated others, there is no evidence indicating that he worked in Clayton County.

By the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the controversy over the Mound Builder thesis had become an issue of national importance.  In order to resolve the controversy the American Congress in 1881 appropriated funds for the creation of a Division of Mound Exploration within the Bureau of Ethnology.  Directed by Cyrus Thomas, this extensive survey ranged widely throughout the eastern United States between 1881 and 1890 with particular emphasis placed upon the antiquities of the Mississippi River Valley.

Thomas' main goal was to determine whether or not the various mounds and earthworks had been constructed by Native Americans.  Therefore, he sought to cover as broad an area as possible in order to obtain a representative sample of the diverse prehistoric mound data.  As a result, his surveys only briefly focused on northeastern Iowa.  Both Clayton and Allamakee counties were visited by one of the Division research teams and a number of mound groups were recorded.  Unfortunately, exact mound group proveniences were not always recorded and many of the plats were later ruined in a rainstorm.  From Thomas' massive report it appears that the research team recorded the "Marching Bear" mound group in the South Unit of Effigy Mounds National Monument and may have ascended the bluffs near McGregor (Thomas 1894:108):

There are many other interesting works along Turkey River and upon high bluffs above McGregor, notably effigies of antlered elks, uniformly in lines or groups heading southeastward.

There is no evidence, though, which would categorically demonstrate that the research team visited the Pikes Peak State Park area.  At best, the researchers may have walked through the park hurriedly noting the existence of "many interesting works upon high bluffs above McGregor."

While the Division of Mound Exploration was in existence, a similar survey effort was launched by two Minnesota residents.  In 1880, Alfred J. Hill, a civil engineer living in Minneapolis, hired Theodore H. Lewis, a surveyor, to undertake an extensive survey of the mounds and earthworks in the north central states.  Together, these two men formed the Northwestern Archaeological Survey, which remained in existence until 1895 (Lewis 1898).

During the 15 year existence of this organization, Lewis periodically visited northeastern Iowa and spent considerable time in Clayton County.  His efforts resulted in the recording of numerous mound groups along the Mississippi River and its principal tributaries.  On May 21 and 23, 1892, Lewis surveyed several mound groups in the McGregor Heights area.  Portions of this area are now part of Pikes Peak State Park.

Strangely, Lewis does not appear to have surveyed the bluffs immediately south of McGregor where the main portion of the park is now located.  A thorough search of the Northwestern Archaeological Survey notes and plats in the Archives of the Minnesota State Historical Society reveals a complete absence of research by Lewis in this area.  It is a well known fact that his surveys were not systematic.  His work pattern seems to have been highly sporadic and his peripatetic investigations may reflect information he received from local residents pertaining to known mound groups.  Regardless, there is no evidence indicating that he knew of the existence of the mounds in the main park.

The first archaeological survey of the main park area occurred in 1912.  It was conducted by Ellison Orr, an enthusiastic amateur archaeologist living in Waukon, Iowa.  Orr had long maintained an interest in the mound building cultures of Iowa and kept meticulous records and plats of his research.  In the spring of 1912, aided by the McGregor Boy Scout Troop, he initiated a survey of the Mississippi River bluff regions in and around McGregor.

Orr began the first phase of his survey in the McGregor Heights area noting and platting six separate mound groups (Orr 1940:110). These mound groups contained a total of 37 mounds - 9 linears and 28 conicals.  At that time, 1912, housing development was already occurring in this area and Orr observed that several mounds showed evidence of vandalism.  Writing again in 1940 he stated (Orr 1940.110):

Since our survey was made the number of cottages has doubled and all the mounds of this last group (Mound Group #6) have been more or less mutilated by the building operations or the making of a tennis court.

Following the McGregor Heights survey Orr directed his research toward the main portion of the park then known as the McGregor-Pikes Peak area.  He described the area in this manner (Orr 1940:114):

... we have, including Point Ann and Pikes Peak, five spurs running from the crest of this bluff, a high divide between a dry ravine paralleling it on the west and that of the Mississippi on the east, and terminating in high rocky cliffs and promontories.

Altogether, Orr platted seven distinct mound groups in this area.  These mound groups, according to his calculations, contained 7 effigies, 38 conicals, 9 linears and 1 compound.  The most distinctive group of mounds, Mound Group #5, was listed as containing three "buffalo" effigies (Orr 1940:115):

The most westerly of these 3 effigies lies in a cultivated field and has been nearly obliterated. The remaining two to the east lay in pasture at the time the survey was made and were in a fine state of preservation. They were certainly intended to represent the buffalo. The hump was very prominent and the outline in general unmistakably of that animal. 

Virtually, all of the mounds were intact and, with the exception of the one buffalo effigy, damage through agriculture and logging was minimal.  Orr's field notes do not indicate that he conducted any excavations of the mounds or carried out surface surveys for habitation sites in the adjacent fields. In fact, it does not appear that he even visited this area again following the 1912 survey (Orr 1940:116).

A total of 63 years passed before any additional archaeological research was undertaken in the park.  In 1973, members of the Iowa Effigy Mound Survey visited the park for a period of two days.  This survey focused exclusively on the Effigy Mound culture and the time spent in the park was used mainly to corroborate Orr's mound group plats, particularly those containing effigies.  The survey party noted that since 1912 one bear effigy in Mound Group #1 had been destroyed and all of the buffalo effigies in Mound Group #5 were rendered indistinct through farming (see Mallam 1973:28).  Until the present survey in 1978, the Iowa Effigy Mound Survey marked the most recent archaeological research efforts undertaken in the park.

Analysis of the last 125 years of archaeological research in northeastern Iowa reveals that the Pikes Peak State Park area received only limited attention.  All of the studies carried out during these years, as they relate to the park, focused entirely on the mounds.  Since none of the studies were concerned with locating habitation sites, the archaeological record for this area can be considered incomplete.  Due to the incomplete record, one of the major objectives of the 1978 Pikes Peak Cultural Resource Survey was to provide the Iowa Conservation Commission with a complete archaeological inventory of mound groups and habitation sites within the park boundaries.

 

Interpretive Summary

from Mallam et al. 1979:43-47

The reconnaissance level survey of Pikes Peak State Park resulted in the acquisition of numerous data pertaining to prehistoric cultures.  These data, however, are inadequate to construct an interpretive summary oriented to the general public.  Such a summary must necessarily rely on other research conducted throughout northeastern Iowa where more intensive investigations have yielded greater information.  The following summary, therefore represents a correlation of these previous studies with the data obtained from the present survey.

One June 17, 1673, Marquette and Joliet, two French explorers, became the first Euro-Americans to enter the Mississippi River.  Their entry occurred at the mouth of the Wisconsin River directly across the Mississippi River from the present location of Pikes Peak State Park.  The Native Americans whom they encountered in this region were village-dwelling horticulturists, quite distinct culturally from the preceding Woodland societies who had earlier left their cultural stamp in the form of mounds and earthworks along the high bluffs.

The rapid expansion of Euro-Americans into the interior of eastern North America following the Marquette and Joliet expedition revealed the existence of numerous Native American tribes and, also, the material remains of their predecessors.  Few attempts were made to investigate these remains, though, because the Euro-Americans were too preoccupied with exploration and defending their land claims against each other and the resident native populations to do more than offer vague speculations.

However, as settlement intensified in this region more information was gathered regarding the prehistoric cultures.  Of particular interest and wonderment to these settlers were the incredible numbers and varieties of mounds and earthworks that literally abounded along the major rivers and their tributaries.  Some of these earthworks, especially those in Ohio, were massive enclosures featuring high, rounded earthen walls.  Others were in the shape of animals, such as bears, birds, panthers and, in some instances, humans.  Perhaps the most spectacular earthen mounds were those of southeastern North America.  There, Native Americans had constructed huge, flat-topped earthen pyramids.  And, throughout all of eastern North America were found conical mounds, round earthen structures of varying size.

Various theories were presented in an effort to identify the builders of these monumental works.  By the early 19th century the most popular theory was that of the "Vanished Race of Mound Builders."  The central tenet of this theory was that the mounds and earthworks of America were constructed by a vanished civilization, antecedent, unrelated and superior to the Native Americans.  As an explanation, this theory was widely accepted by the majority of the American public and a significant number of academicians for almost the duration of the 19th century.  There can be little question that its impact on American society was profound.  In fact, there is some evidence to suggest that it even influenced the burial practices of some segments of the American population for there are recordings of whites interred in mounds.

The "Vanished Race" theory was not discredited until 1894 with the publication of Cyrus Thomas' "Report on the Mound Exploration of the Bureau of Ethnology."  Since that time, archaeological research has not only established that mounds and earthworks were erected by numerous prehistoric cultures but that the antiquity of the New World has considerable time depth as well.  The product of this research has resulted in the construction of many culture-historical sequences throughout North America.

In northeastern Iowa research has demonstrated the existence of four distinct prehistoric periods.  The earliest of these periods, the Paleo-Indian, is poorly known.  Beginning at the close of the last major glaciation and extending from approximately 9000 B.C. to 6000 B.C., this period is characterized by small bands of hunters who subsisted primarily on large game animals.  Their lifeway, essentially nomadic, may be viewed as an adaptation to a post-glacial environment which favored the existence of herd animals.

By 6000 B.C. this lifeway was slowly being modified.  Warming environmental conditions created extensive floral and faunal changes and necessitated new cultural adaptations.  The adaptation formed in response to these conditions has been labeled the Archaic.  Lasting in northeastern Iowa from approximately 6000 B.C. to 500 B.C. the Archaic virtually formed the foundation for all subsequent adaptations.  It may be best described as a multifocus lifeway, one tailored to broad and systematic utilization of a wide variety of plants and animals on a seasonal and cyclical basis.  The key feature in this lifeway was equilibrium — the maintenance of a delicate balance between humans and environmental resources.

The third prehistoric cultural period, the Woodland, approximately 500 B.C. to A.D. 1000, must be viewed as a continuation and elaboration of the Archaic lifeway.  The systematic pattern of hunting and gathering was maintained but it appears that some horticultural practices were emerging.  All evidence suggests a gradual increase in societal complexity.  There was, simultaneously, an intensification of food production, population increase, the development of social ranking and the construction of mounds and earthworks.  In regards to mounds, the first forms seem to have been conical structures.  Later, around A.D. 1. the construction patterns of these mounds become more complex with the addition of various internal features such as raised platforms, log crypts, and exotic grave goods.  It was at this time that some enclosures or earthworks were constructed.  In Iowa, this phase of mound building is referred to as the McGregor Phase.  It terminates about A.D. 300.

Thereafter, a major change in social organization occurs.  For the next 300 to 350 years there is a period of transition or social reorganization.  The formerly ranked social system with its attendant elaborate mound construction and exotic grave goods disappears.  In its place is substituted a more egalitarian lifestyle represented by small bands of hunter-gatherer/horticulturists.  Known as the Allamakee Phase, this period is most distinctive for the construction of conical mounds that exhibit wide variability in regards to internal features.

The final phase of the Woodland period, the Keyes Phase, lasted from about A.D. 600 to A.D. 1000.  This was the time when effigy mounds were constructed along with linears, compounds and conicals.  In some instances, these mounds were interspersed or built around previous earthen structures. Many theories have been proposed to explain the function of these animal shaped mounds.  This writer favors the view that the mounds symbolized the elements critical to the hunting-gathering lifestyle.  In this interpretation, the birds would represent the sky forces (sun, wind, rain, etc.), bears and panthers the creatures of the earth while lizards and turtles represent water, the sustainer of life itself.  And, a few mounds appear to represent humans.  If so, it seems reasonable to suggest that they symbolize the integration of humans with the resources of the universe.  In other words, these mounds may have been the means by which humans sought to express their philosophical convictions about the universe, the life force and the intricate web of relationships that bonded them together.

Somewhere around A.D. 1000 the Woodland period began to disappear.  It was gradually replaced by a vigorous new adaptation known as Oneota, A.D. 1000 to the historic period.  This adaptation was characterized by a dual-subsistence economy in which foodstuffs were equally derived from hunting and gathering and horticulture.  In contrast to the small and frequently dispersed Woodland habitation sites, there occurred the development of large, semi-permanent villages erected along high terraces and benches overlooking rivers.  Archaeological evidence indicates that these peoples probably lived in the villages from spring through fall and then segmented into small family units for the winter.  The origin of this lifeway has not been satisfactorily determined.  Some interpret Oneota as an outgrowth of Woodland while others view it as unrelated and probably an extension north of peoples from the large chiefdom complexes in the Middle Mississippi region.  Most would agree that the Oneota are the ancestors of such historic tribes as the Otoe and Ioway.

The archaeological resources of Pikes Peak State Park fall predominantly within the Woodland period of the northeastern Iowa culture-historical sequence.  There is certainly the possibility that material remains representative of the other culture period may also be present in this area.  If these remains are to be located, it will be necessary to carry out large-scale excavations since they lack the prominence and visibility of the Woodland mounds and earthworks.

The archaeological materials in the park are extremely important.  The mounds may be representative of the entire Woodland period, approximately 500 B.C. to A.D. 1000.  It is our view, however, that virtually all of these mounds are representative of the Effigy Mounds culture or Late Woodland period.  This assessment is based on analysis of mound construction patterns derived from soil hand probes.  Their actual cultural affiliation can be determined only through excavation which is not warranted at the present time as they are not in danger of destruction.

Assuming that the majority of these mounds fall within the Keyes phase (Effigy Mounds culture), A.D. 600 to A.D. 1000, it may be stated that they constitute a significant data source for advancing our understanding of prehistoric cultural dynamics.  The most recent Effigy Mounds research (Mallam 1976a; Benn 1979) suggests that these mounds were manufactured by hunter-gatherer/horticulturalists who seasonally and cyclically exploited the natural resources of the Driftless Area.  During the spring through fall seasons these small family units congregated into larger social groupings at the band level for the purpose of intensifying production.

These congregations usually occurred along terraces adjacent to the confluence of streams and rivers with the Mississippi River.  It was at these particularly favorable areas that annually renewable and high-yielding natural resources could be consistently found.  Since the majority of effigy mounds occur near these confluences, usually on prominent terraces or spur ridges, it can be postulated that they served as territorial markers in addition to their mortuarial function.

In observing the mounds within Pikes Peak State Park it will be noted that, with one exception, all are located either along the Mississippi River bluffline or spur ridges.  There can be little doubt that this portion of the Mississippi Valley and its immediate tributaries was an extremely lucrative natural resource area.  This was an aquatic habitat supported by the life-sustaining waters and nutrients of the Wisconsin River and a host of freshwater streams erupting from the contact of the Pecatonica dolomite and underlying Glenwood shale.  Consequently, this area could be consistently relied upon to produce the necessary foodstuffs requisite for maintaining a lifeway heavily oriented toward hunting and gathering.

[These] dispersed hunting and gathering families met at this area [seasonally].  Besides carrying out economic tasks they also constructed mounds in the form of effigies, linears, conicals and compounds.  The construction of these mounds supported and justified their lifeway and symbolized their dependence on the life force responsible for perpetuation of the natural resources.  In addition, mass cooperation in the mound construction phases strengthened and solidified the social arrangements by which they organized in pursuit of economic goals.

This lifeway persisted for approximately 400 years.  Unfortunately, the material remains necessary to continue testing our assumptions of this lifeway are rapidly disappearing.  For example, the 1973 Iowa Effigy Mound Survey produced data demonstrating that over 80 percent of the effigy mounds in the state had been destroyed.  Moreover, it is highly likely that this depletion rate would also be applicable to the other mound building cultures.

In summary, the archaeological resources of Pikes Peak State Park represent a nonrenewable scientific resource.  It is imperative that they be accorded proper management and preservation.  Each mound and campsite contains a data source that may significantly contribute to our understanding of how prehistoric peoples in northeastern Iowa lived and interacted among and between themselves and the environment.  It is this information, once scientifically examined and presented to the public that can provide the basis for assessing our current adaptation and its sociopolitical-environmental relationships.

 

 

References Cited

Benn, David W., 1979 Some Trends and Traditions in Woodland Cultures of the Quad-State Region in the Upper Mississippi River Basin. The Wisconsin Archeologist 60:47-82.

Lewis, T.H., 1898, The Northwestern Archaeological Survey. Pioneer Press, St. Paul.

Mallam, R. Clark, 1973, Report on the Iowa Effigy Mound Survey. Report prepared for the Iowa Historic Preservation Program. Copy on file, Luther College Archaeological Research Center, Decorah, Iowa.

Mallam, R. Clark, 1976a, The Iowa Effigy Mound Manifestation: An Interpretive Model. Report No. 9. Office of the State Archaeologist, The University of Iowa, Iowa City.

Mallam, R. Clark, 1976b, The Mound Builders: An American Myth. Journal of the Iowa Archeological Society 23:145-175.

Mallam, R. Clark, E. A. Bettis, and Robert Petersen, 1979, An Archaeological Reconnaissance of Pikes Peak State Park. Luther College Archaeological Research Center, Decorah Iowa.

Orr, Ellison, 1940, Sundry Archaeological Papers and Memoranda. In Vol. 12: Iowa Archaeological Reports 1934 to 1939. Society for American Archaeology Microcard Series, edited by David A. Baerreis. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison. (Original ms. on file, Effigy Mounds National Monument, Harpers Ferry, Iowa.)

Pidgeon, William, 1858, Traditions of De-coo-dah and Antiquarian Researches. Thayer, Bridgman, & Fanning, New York.

Sellars, Jonathan R., and Leslie A. Ambrosino, 1989, A Phase I Archeological Reconnaissance Survey for Proposed Improvements at Pikes Peak State Park, Clayton County, Iowa. BCA #33. Bear Creek Archeology, Inc., Decorah, Iowa. Submitted to the Iowa Department of Natural Resources, Des Moines.

Thomas, Cyrus, 1894, Report on Mound Explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology. Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

 

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from

Anderson, R.R. (ed.), 2000, The Natural History of Pikes Peak State Park, Clayton County, Iowa: Geological Society of Iowa Guidebook 70, p. 53 - 59.